Session
2.3: Networks and narratives in Australian indigenous
archaeology
1.Exchange
networks and fluting on the Diamantina: an examination
of exchange items and the role of inland waterways in
exchange networks
Carl
Porter and Anthony Simmons (Environmental Protection Agency,
Rockhampton, Queensland)
This paper examines how aspects of the archaeological
record may be interpreted as either a direct residue, or indicative
of behaviour connected to exchange items identified in early ethnographic
accounts. For the purposes of this paper, the focus is on the Diamantina
Channel Country and archaeological observations on Diamantina national
park linked with ethnographic observations of WE Roth.
Specifically this paper looks at a
cached ‘digging stick’ and
how this item is connected to the exchange of lunga lunga (fluted
boomerangs) in the Diamantina link of a broader arid zone exchange
network identified by Roth, (1897), McCarthy (1939) and McBryde
(1987). It is argued that the fluting evidenced on the digging
stick is indicative of the woodworking prowess of the Diamantina
people. Further, the high number of tula slugs found at most
camp sites and the location of one surface cache of tula blanks
suggest
that not only was wood working an important subsistence skill
but also one recognised via trade or exchange with their neighbours. 
2.
Brewarrina Presentation
Tracey Macdonald (Conservation
Manager, NSW Fisheries, Port Stephens Fishery Centre, Nelson
Bay) and Cynthia
Moore (Aboriginal Community member, Brewarrina)
The Brewarrina Fish Traps, Ngunnhu [noon-oo],
is located on the Barwon River in northwestern NSW. The Ngunnhu
is a well-preserved
example of Aboriginal fisheries, providing evidence of early Aboriginal
occupation and trading networks,
which relied on a highly skilled fishing technique that survived
and has been maintained over many hundreds of years. The Fishtraps
are a series of stone wall enclosures spreading across the Barwon
River and which extend for over 200m in length. It is
the largest and most complex set of fresh water Aboriginal fish
traps not associated with aquaculture in Australia. The Ngemba
people, custodians of the Ngunnhu, continue to use and have responsibilities
for the Ngunnhu, which are shared by the Traditional Owner Groups
who still live in the region today (the Ngemba, Kamilaroi, Murowari,
Wiadjuri and Paakantji Peoples). The Ngunnhu itself comprises of
a number of weirs and holding ponds uniquely designed to trap fish.
The Ngunnhu may be operated in
an upstream or downstream direction. While the individual elements
of the Ngunnhu are simple, the design of the whole is complex when
compared with other Aboriginal fish traps.
'Biaime', an ancestral and creation
being for the region, is said to have been responsible for the
design of the Ngunnhu.
The story recounts that Biaime showed the Aboriginal people how
to build the Ngunnhu by casting his net over the river and telling
them to follow it’s design. The role of an ancestral being
(Biaime) in creating the Ngunnhu (a built structure) is in itself
very unusual in Aboriginal society and makes both the structure
and the story nationally important
The Ngunnhu has been considerably damaged
since European settlers first moved into the region. Many actions
have impacted adversely
on the cultural integrity of the Ngunnhu, including the removal
of stones form the structure to create navigable waterways
and town buildings and the construction of the Brewarrina weir,
completed
in 1972. Such actions have also negatively impacted on the
flow and ecology of the Barwon River. However, despite these
adverse impacts, much of the Ngunnhu remains and there is great
potential to rehabilitate the individual
traps
(which are currently in disrepair) to their original condition.
The rehabilitation and restoration works for the Ngunnhu are
currently being incorporated into a Management Plan. The Aboriginal
community,
in conjunction with the Commonwealth Department of the Environment
and Heritage and other agencies, are currently progressing
a nomination of the Ngunnhu for National Heritage Listing. 
3.
Medium & messenger: Double agents in the production and
dispersal of stone hatchets and archaeological knowledge.
Tessa Corkill (Australian Museum
Associate, Sydney)
A study of more than 300 stone hatchet heads from all parts of
the Sydney region, held in The Australian Museum, indicates that
a widely accepted view of their raw material type is substantially
incorrect.This finding has implications that go beyond the material
itself and bear upon the narratives that ethnohistorians and archaeologists
have produced since colonisation. Different types of raw material
may have different and perhaps widely separated sources, and it
follows that access to these may involve different resource strategies
in terms of time-budgeting and access negotiation. Early ethnohistorians
recorded few accounts of hatchet production and use in the Sydney
region and their narratives were produced before the 3 Age theory
attempted to fit stone artefacts into an inflexible evolutionary
framework. Today's Sydney archaeologists carry out research and
write reports and papers in a milieu dominated by Indigenous land
rights issues and development constraints. Where the raw materials
for artefacts found during these projects originated may not seem
to matter at the time but it can influence narratives that reinforce
themselves through time and have unforeseen consequences in the
future.

4.
Preliminary evidence from two newly discovered specialised
axe reduction sites and how the evidence from them can be interpreted
in relation to networks connected with the Moore Creek ceremonial
ground
Pat Gaynor and Ivan Johnson
The Daruka Aboriginal axe quarry at Moore Creek has been well
documented by Binns and McBryde (1972) as being the source of many
andesitic greywacke axes that were widely distributed to areas
north, south, and south-west, and to areas down the Namoi and Darling
Rivers as far as away as Wilcannia (960 Km). Wilson (1994:121)
in researching the Daruka axes and their durability, concluded
there was some restriction of access to the quarry. She
suggested that there was a mixed strategy for getting axes. One
was hand to hand exchange connected with ceremonies at the Bora
ground at Moore Creek for those with some affiliations with the
quarry owners, while others without this affiliation, initially
relied on hand to hand exchange with those that did have affiliations,
to extend the exchange network.
The authors have recently located two
axe reduction hill top sites 1.5 km along the range from the
Daruka quarry. The material
observed
in these sites, seem to support another of Wilson’s suppositions
(1994:121) that specialised knappers were reducing the most durable
material, as most of the reduction flakes and broken blanks observed,
appear to be of the best Daruka material. This paper presents the
preliminary findings from those two sites and how they could be
associated with the Bora ground and other sites in the area.

5.
Land of the Boodjamulla - landscapes, stories and the archaeology
of Waanyi country, northwest Queensland.
M. Slack (University of
Sydney) and J. Diamond (KASH, Mount Isa)
In Waanyi country in northwest Queensland the physical landscape
is dominated by a series of rivers that have carved deep gorges
covering an area of over 100km. Along these gorges and escarpments
hundreds of archaeological sites occur. Layered onto this physical
landscape is the symbolic landscape of Waanyi Wangalla stories,
often passing down these same gorges. To the archaeologist this
is a landscape of deep antiquity, evidence of occupation during
the Last Glacial Maximum, and testable theories of foraging behaviour.
To the Waanyi this is the landscape of the rainbow serpent, or
Boodjamulla, who created the rivers and whose image has been left
by ancestors as a reminder.
This paper discusses recent research
at these places and specifically the relationship between archaeological
interpretations of the
physical history, with the social and symbolic interpretations
from the Waanyi. It discusses where our two views of this landscape
meet and where they do not; how we define what is important;
and ultimately how we accommodate each other’s worldviews
in explaining this past. 
6.
Pleistocene
occupation and resource use in semi-arid northwest
Queensland
Michael Slack, Richard
Fullagar and Judith Field (University of Sydney)
and Andrew Border (Environmental
Protection Agency, Townsville, Queensland)
Recent archaeological excavations in Boodjamulla National
Park, northwest Queensland, have revealed a record of
human occupation extending to 37,000 years. This supports
conservative estimates on the timing of the arrival of
people into Australia, and consequently that these colonists
were fully modern people. The record of human occupation
for this region shows that the area provided a refuge,
not only at the Last Glacial Maximum (18,000-21,000 years
ago) but also from 30,000 years ago; soon after initial
arrivals and when extreme climatic conditions may have
first began in the area. This paper presents new results
from recent fieldwork in Boodjamulla National Park. Patterns
of subsistence and associated lithic technology found
here are indicative of modern human behaviour reflecting
ready adaptive strategies in response to changing climatic
and environmental conditions.

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